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113
“With the Poles gone and the Soviets approaching, UPA made a decsion to fi nd the remaining Jewish survivors and liquidate them. As the Germans had taught them, they made assurances to Jews that they would not harm them anymore, they put them to useful work in camp-like settings, and then they exterminated them. These murders took place at the same time OUN was trying to make overtures to the Western Allies (as were the East European collaborationist regimes.). What is absolutely clear, however, is that a major attempt was launched at this time to eliminate Jewish survivors completely.” Ibid., 27.
114
Weiner, Making Sense of War, 264, citing interrogation of Vladimir Solov’ev, TsDAHO Ukrainy, f. 57, op. 4, d. 351, l. 52. On UPA murder of Jews, see Shmuel Spector, The Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 1941–1944 (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem and the Federation of Volhynian Jews, 1990), 268–273.
115
Threatened Poles sought help from the Germans, and in some cases, replaced local Ukrainians as police units. The UPA’s own records from spring 1944 show how the murder of Poles continued, now on the charges that the Poles collaborated with the Gestapo. One UPA document, for the period March 13–April 15, 1944, reports 298 Poles in 19 villages were killed, many farmsteads burnt down, but a fraction of the OUN-UPA murders at the time. “Zvit s protypol’stkykh aktiv,” Postii, I. V. 44, TsDAVO, f. 4620, op. 3, spr. 378, ll. 43–44. On the OUN(b)-led UPA murder of Jews in Galicia during this period, see Himka, “The Ukrainian Insurgent Army and the Holocaust,” 12–17.
116
Motyka, Ukrai" ska partyzantka, 295–297.
117
Himka,“The Ukrainian Insurgent Army and the Holocaust,” 28.
118
According to the most extensive study of the OUN-UPA’s anti-Polish campaign, the number of Polish victims reach 130,800 when including the victims whose names could not be established. Ewa Siemaszko, “Bilans Zbrodni,” Biuletyn instytutu pamieci narodowej, no. 7–8 (116–117) (July — August 2010): 93.
119
Motyka, Ukranska partyzantka, 346–347. Mixed families were quite common in the Polish-Ukrainian borderlands, where the custom was that boys inherited nationality after their father, girls after their mothers. Kresy literature contains many testimonies of murders within mixed families. Ewa and Wlodys" aw Siemaszko have registred forty-five victims of intrafamily killings in Volhynia alone. Most of the victims are known by surname. Siemaszko and Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo, 2: 1059, table 13.
120
Andrii Bolianovs’kyi, “Ivan Hryn’okh — Providnyyi diach ukrains’koho pidpillia,” in Ivan Hryn’okh, Boh i Ukraina ponad use, ed. and introduction by Oleksandr Panchenko (Hadiach: Vydavnytstvo “Hadiach,” 2007), 64–65. 120. TsDAVO Ukrainy, f. 4628, op. 1, d. 10, ll. 170–179, in Vorontsov, “OUN-UPA,” 229.
121
Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien, 376; Frank Golczewski, “Shades of Grey: Refl ections on Jewish-Ukrainian and German-Ukranian Relations in Galicia,” in Ray Brandon and Wendy Lower, eds., The Shoah in Ukraine: History, Testimony, Memorialization (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008), 143.
122
Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat,” 57; Friedman, “Ukrainian-Jewish Relations, ” 195; Berkhoff and Carynnyk, “The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists,” 150; Breitman and Goda, Hitler’s Shadow,74, 76.
123
Himka,“The Ukrainian Insurgent Army and the Holocaust,” 28.
124
Friedman, “Ukrainian-Jewish relations,”189.
125
Spector, Holocaust, 271; Weiner, Making Sense of War, 263; Snyder, The Reconstruction of Nations 170; Dmytro Rybakov, “Marko Tsarynnyk: Istorychna napivpravda hirsha za odvertu brekhniu,” Levyi bereh, November 5, 2009. http://lb.com.ua/article/society/2009/11/05/13147_marko_tsarinnik_istorichna.html (accessed November 6, 2009).
126
Spector, Holocaust, 279; Mykhailo V. Koval’, Ukraina v druhii svitovyi i velykyi vitchyznianyi viinakh, 1939–1945 rr., (Kyiv: Dim Al’ternatyvy, 1999), 154.
127
Interrogation of activist Mykhail Dmitrievich Stepaniak, HDA SBU, f. 6, d. 1510, tom 1, l. 54. When working with Soviet interrogations, it is critical to keep in mind that the Soviets had special interests in demonstrating the OUN-UPA’s German connections. Yet, they confi rm a picture, borne out of other evidence, that Nazi Germany was but a secondary enemy of the OUN and UPA.
128
Ibid., ll. 71–72.
129
Ibid., l. 61.
130
Report from Soviet agent “Iaroslav” to the deputy director of the third department of the USSR People’s Commissariat of Defense Chief Counterintelligence Directorate “SMERSH” (Glavnoe upravlenie kontrrazvedki SMERSh GUKR-NKO, “Smersh,”) Nov. 23, 1944, HDA SBU, f. 13, sbornik 372, tom 5, l. 25.
131
Ivan Katchanovski, “Terrorists or National Heroes?” See also Stepeniak fi le, HDA SBU, f. 6, d. 1510, tom 1, ll. 42, 54.
132
Special resolution passed by the Third Congress of the OUN(b) in February 1943, TsDAVO, f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 102, ark. 1–4. Thanks to Marco Carynnyk for this reference. See also Motyka, Ukranska partyzantka, 117, n. 47.
133
The Second Congress of the OUN(b) issued detailed instructions that the fascist salue should be executed by raising the right arm “slightly to the right, slightly above the peak of the head,” while exclaiming “Glory to Ukraine!” (Slava Ukraini!), to which fellow members responded “Glory to the Heroes!” (Heroiam Slava!). This section was omitted from the republished resolutions of the Second Congress. Compare, for instance, OUN v svitli postanov Velykykh Zboriv (n.p.: Zakordonni Chastyny Orhanizatsii Ukrains’kykh Nationalistiv, 1955), 44–45, with the original 1941 publication, TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 23, spr. 926, l. 199 (Postanovy II. Velykoho Zboru Orhanizatsii Ukrains’kykh Nationalistiv, 37), cited in Rossoli#ski-Liebe, “The ‘Ukrainian National Revolution’ of 1941,” 90.
134
Per A. Rudling, “Szkolenie w mordowaniu: Schutzmannschaft Battalion 201 i Hauptmann Roman Szuchewycz na Bia" orusi 1942 roku,” in Bogulaw Paz (ed.), Prawda historyczna a prawda polityczna w badaniach naukowych: Przyklad ludobójstwa na kresach po!udiowej-wschodniej Polski w latach 1939–1946, (Wroc" aw: Wydawnictwo uniwersytetu Wroc" awskiego, 2011), 183–204.
135
Bul’ba-Borovets, Armiia bez derzhavy, 254, citing “Vidkrytyi list da Chleniuv Provodu Orhanizatsii Ukrains’kykh Natsionalistiv Stepana Bandery,” Oborona Ukrainy: Chasopys’ Ukrains’koi Narodn’oi Revolutsiinoi Armii, Osoblyve vydannia ch. 1, August 10, 1943.
136
John-Paul Himka, Ukrainians, Jews and the Holocaust: Divergent Memories (Saskatoon: Heritage Press, University of Saskatchewan, 2009), 46; Kurylo and Khymka, “Iak OUN stavylosia do ievreiv?” 260.
137
Carynnyk, “Foes of Our Rebirth,” citing “Nakaz Ch. 2/43, Oblasnym, okruzhnym i povitovym providnykam do vykonannia,” TsDAVO, f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 43, l. 9.
138
Himka, Ukrainians, Jews, and the Holocaust, 46–47.
139
Document scan available on the website of the Embassy of Ukraine in Canada, http://www.ukremb.ca/canada/ua/news/detail/11684.htm (accessed January 18, 2011).
140
Volodymyr V’’iatrovych, Stavlennia OUN do ievreiv: formuvannia pozytsii na tli katastrofy (L’viv: Vydavnytstvo “MS”,2006), 73.
141
Kosyk adds Armenians, Lithuanians, Italians, Romanians, Hungarians, Germans, and Belgians. Kosyk, The Third Reich, 373–374. Some of these non-Ukrainian UPA participants appear to have been former Soviet POWs who had served as Schutzmänner but defected after Stalingrad, and other collaborators. U.S. intelligence also mentioned former members of the Slovak Hlinka Guard, former soldiers of the Ukrainian Waffen-SS division Galizien, but also “escaped German SS men.” Breitman and Goda, Hitler’s Shadow, 79, citing Preliminary Reports I and Informant Report 35520 [undated], National Archives and Records Administration, (henceforth NARA), RG 319, IRR TS “Banderist Activity Czechoslovakia,” v. 1, D. 190425.
142
“Through resurrection and sabotage we fi nally broke the strengths of the Muscovite-Jewish [moskovs’ko-zhydovskyi] occupant. When the war fi nally broke his physical extermination and and our rise under the leadership of our leader Stepan BANDERA.” Leafl et distributed in June 1942 on the occasion of the fi rst anniversary of the Act of June 30, 1941. HDA SBU, f. 13, spr. 372, ch. 35, l. 200. On 1947, see f. 13, op. 376, tom 4, l. 363. On 1948, see f. 13, op. 376, tom 65, l. 243.
143
“To the brotherly Czech and Slovak nations,” in Petro J. Potichnyj, ed., English Langauge Publications of the Ukrainian Underground, Litopys UPA, 17 (Toronto: Litopys UPA, 1988), 158.
144
For instance, an underground OUN(b) journal from 1946 describes the History of the VKP(b) as the “Bolshevik Talmud.” Ukrains’kyi robitnyk: Vydaie kraiovyi oseredok propahandy OUN, No.1. (January 1946): 2.
145
Anna Holian, “Anticommunism in the Streets: Refugee Politics in Cold War Germany,” Journal of Contemporary History, 45, no. 1 (2010): 144.
146
Ibid., 147–148.
147
“Evrei — hromadiane Ukrainy,” OUN(b)-UPA leafl et written in March 1950, HDA SBU, f. 13, d. 376, tom 65, ll. 283–294.
148
Ibid., l. 293.
149
“Protokol doprosa obviniaemo Okhrimovucha Vasilia Ostapovicha ot 5 ianvaria 1953 g.,” HDA SBU, f. 5, spr. 445, t. 4, ark. 297, printed in Volodymyr Serhiichuk et al., eds., Stepan Bandera u dokumentakh radians’kykh orhaniv derzhavnoi bezpeky, 1939–1959, (Kyiv: PP Serhiichuk M. I., 2009), 3: 385.
150
Breitman and Goda, Hitler’s Shadow, 79, citing NARA, RG 319, IRR TS “Banderist Activity Czechoslovakia,” v. 2, D. 190425.
151
“List R. Shukhevycha kerivnyku pidpillia na Volyni ‘Dalekomu,’ July 18, 1946, HDA SBU f. 65, spr. S-9079, t. 2 (dodatok), ark. 287 (konvert), in Serhiichuk et al., Roman Shukhevych, 2: 54.
152
Petro Poltava, “Elementy revolutsiinosti ukrains’koho natsionalizmu,” Ideia i chyn, ch. 10 (1948), HDA SBU, f. 13, no. 376, t. 6, l. 223.
153
In fact, Lutze was not even in Volhynia at the time, but was killed in a car accident in Potsdam. Motyka, Ukrainska partyzantka, 202–203. This falsifi cation appeared with UPA veterans in the early 1950s, and is often repeated by the nationalists. Volodymyr Kosyk, Ukraina i Nimechchyna u Druhii svitovii viini (Lviv: Naukove t-vo imeni T. Shevchenka u L’vovi, 1993), 325. “We Ukrainians are proud of the fact that. the Chief of Staff of the German S.A. Lutze, [was] killed in course of military operations by the UPA, under the command of General Taras Chuprynka, the former Ukrainian commander of the “Nightingale Battalion.” Jaroslaw Stetzko, “The Truth About Events in Lviv, West Ukraine, in June and July, 1941: An Open Letter to the “Rheinische Merkur,” Cologne,” The Ukrainian Review 10, no. 3 (Autumn 1963): 70.
154
R. Hryts’kiv, “Protypovstans’ka borot’ba,” in Volodymyr V’’iatrovych et al., UPA: Istoriia neskorennykh (Lviv: TsDVR, 2007), 281.
155
Burds, The Early Cold War, 13, citing a secret report from CIC Special Agent Vadja V. Kolombatovic to the Commanding Offi cer, CIC Region III, May 6, 1947, United States Army Intelligence and Security Command (INSCOM), Dossier ZF010016WJ, 1906–9.
156
Breitman and Goda, Hitler’s Shadow, 77, 79, citing Special Agent Fred A. Stelling, Memorandum for the Offi cer in Charge, August 1, 1947, TS Organization of Banderist Movement, NARA, RG 319, IRR Bandera, Stephan, D. 184850. The 1950 so-called Kelley Report, written by Robert F. Kelley for the United States Army, similarly estimated that perhaps 75–80 percent of the Galician DPs sympathizedm with the OUN(b). Robert F. Kelley, “Survey of Russian Emigration,” 92–93, 106–07, 111, 116, in Lebed archives, Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, box 1, fi le 12. This document was declassifi ed on 30 October 1992. Thanks to John-Paul Himka for this reference.
157
Evhen Lozyns’kyi (1909–1977), was a local leader of the OUN(b) in the Stanislaviv area. He stood behind the June 30 Akt, but was soon arrested by the Gestapo, imprisoned in Kraków, L’viv, and Auschwitz, and released only at the end of the war. A committed totalitarian and one of Stets’ko’s closest associates, Lozyns’kyi served as regional providnyk of the OUN(b) in Bavaria after the war using the nom-de-guerre Iur. Emigrating to the United States, he was detained at the border and spent four months in dentention for his alleged involvement in the planning of a terrorist act against Soviet Foreign Minister Vyshinskii. In the United States, he served on the OUN(b)’s own “court system” and as leader of the Ukrainian League of Political Prisoners. “Vypiska iz doneseniia agenta. ot 17 avgusta 1944 goda,” HDA SBU, f. 13, spr. 372, ark. 346; “Protokol doprosa obviniaemogo Okhrimovicha Vasiliia Ostapovicha ot 10 Marta 1953,” HDA SBU, f. 5, spr. 445, ark. 49; “Protokol doprosa Matvienko, Mirona Vasil’evicha,” HDA SBU, f. 6, spr. 56232, ark. 231–237; Mariia Lozyns’ka, “Pam’’iati Ievhena Lozyns’koho (1909–1977),” Svoboda, no. 46, November 16, 2007, 29: http://www.svoboda-news.com/arxiv/pdf/2007/Svoboda-2007-46.pdf (accessed January 6, 2011).
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